Voting out the ‘billion-year’ dictator in The Gambia: The role of women and youth in the democratization process
Voting out the ‘billion-year’ dictator in The Gambia: The role of women and youth in the democratization process
Satang Nabaneh
Introduction
The Gambia, a small country with pedigree of insignificant geopolitical value continues to evoke a puzzling perception of postcoloniality. Generally, the norm in authoritarian setting is for the incumbent to win rather than lose elections, but sometimes the opposition scores a surprising victory, eventually leading to a democratic transition. In December 2016, Jammeh, who vowed to rule The Gambia for a billion years, lost the election. Given this paradoxical result, the 2016 Gambian election is an anomalous case that unsettles the conceptual routines of electoral or competitive authoritarianism. This rare occurrence in which a dictator loses his own ‘window-dressing’ election to the opposition illustrates the critical role that women and youth played.
This paper starts by giving a background on The Gambia as a case study. It gives an overview of the 2016 presidential elections. It also sets the normative and institutional frameworks on women and youth in Africa. It then examines the role of women and youth in the democratic future of The Gambia. It concludes with a prognosis of the future and recommendations on the way forward.
The Gambia as a case study
“Rule by law” has supplanted the “rule of law” in many African countries.[1] Contemporary authoritarian regimes in Africa have evolved from those in the 90s which were categorized with general models of one-party systems, personal dictatorships and military regimes.[2] While the stereotypical African regime consists of a dictator clinging to power through coercion, and ballot-box stuffing, increasingly, authoritarian leaders are shifting tactics by manipulating legal frameworks, silencing dissent, crushing opposition parties and limiting civil liberties to ensure they remain in power.[3]
The Gambia under Jammeh’s rule was not a democratic regime. In 2016, Freedom House ranked The Gambia as “not free” with 20 aggregate score out of a 100 (0 being the least free and 100 the freest) compared to neighbouring Senegal at 78 per cent.[4] It is further ranked as the second country tied with Turkey at minus 28 amongst the largest 10-year score declines in freedom.[5] The Mo Ibrahim Foundation ranked The Gambia in 2015 at 46.6 (out of 100) in overall governance, ranking 35th (out of 54) in Africa.[6] The Gambia has shown deterioration in every category in the past ten years.[7]
For twenty-two years, the deplorable trends in The Gambia, characterized by the complete disregard for the rule of law and the personalization of the state by former President Jammeh, posed a clear and present danger to the full realization of the Constitution. Under Jammeh’s rule, the environment in which the media operated was a precarious one distinguished with draconian laws and arbitrary arrests, detentions, physical assaults against journalists, and closure and burning down of media houses.
Apart from his notorious disregard of the rule of law, Jammeh further engineered, with the assistance of his party dominated National Assembly, a number of amendments with largely anti-human rights and undemocratic provisions. Such included the limitation on freedom of assembly manifested in the Solo Sandeng case of 14 April 2016. Sandeng, the then National Organising Secretary of the then main opposition, United Democratic Party (UDP), alongside other members were arrested for leading a peaceful protest for electoral reforms and demanding for the resignation of President Jammeh.[8] Two days after the arrest, senior members of the UDP, including the leader Lawyer Ousainou Darboe, confirmed in a press conference the death of Solo Sandeng while in detention. Lawyer Darboe also stated that two detained female protesters were also in a coma following their arrest and alleged brutal torture by the security agents. Angered by the harsh treatment meted on the detainees, Darboe and a group of UPD stalwarts began a protest march but were swiftly rounded up by Gambia's security force and arrested. Eyewitnesses said the security agents fired tear gas at the crowd to disperse it.[9]
Alarmed by the high-handedness of the authorities, the United Nations Secretary-General, Mr. Ban Ki-Moon called ‘on the authorities to conduct a prompt, thorough and independent investigation” into the circumstances surrounding the deaths.’[10] Rights groups such as Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch and ARTICLE 19 also called on the government to conduct an independent and impartial investigation into Sandeng’s death and to release the protesters. Darboe and his co- defendants were subsequently convicted and sentenced to three years.[11] With the coming to power of the new government, they were all released. Darboe now serves as the Minister of Foreign Affairs.[12]
According to Przeworksi, a regime can be classified as non-democratic if it fills the executive and legislative positions through elections, but the ruling party never loses the election.[13] There is essentially no alternation of power which should be a possibility in a democracy. As of 2006, Schedler categorizes The Gambia as an electoral authoritarian regime relative to other countries such as Russia, and Singapore, and sub-Saharan countries such as Burkina Faso, Cameroon, Chad, Ethiopia, Gabon, Guinea, Mauritania, Tanzania, Togo and Zambia.[14] These nations should not be seen as single group as that will be futile, rather there are obvious differences to be drawn. Electoral authoritarian regimes have a multiparty system and hold regular elections, but violate liberal democratic rules so fundamentally, that the elections become an instrument of authoritarian rule rather than a democratic one.[15] Schedler enumerates, electoral authoritarianism entail “elections [that] are broadly inclusive… as well as minimally pluralistic…, minimally competitive…, and minimally open.”[16]
During his twenty-two years of rule, Jammeh held five elections which cemented his regime, as “electoral contests [were] subject to state manipulation so severe, widespread and systematic that they do not qualify as democratic.”[17] He also devised discriminatory electoral rules, such as sweeping reforms to the electoral law which imposed heavy financial deposits for Presidential and National Assembly candidates. He further restricted access to the media and campaign finances for the opposition.
Jammeh used all the guises available under “authoritarian manipulation,” state power and resources to ensure one particular electoral outcome: to win the elections.[18] He used the constitution, its subsidiary legislation and safeguarding institutions before, during and after elections to advance the interests of the authoritarian government, in this case, to win elections continuously and maintain power. For instance, in the 2011 presidential elections, due to uneven playing ground and a splintered opposition, similar to other previous elections, Jammeh won 71.54 per cent of the vote.[19]
The December 2016 elections
On 1 December 2016, Gambia held a presidential election in which former President Jammeh (who has been in power for twenty-two years) lost to the opposition coalition candidate Adama Barrow. On 2 December 2016, the Independent Electoral Commission (IEC) declared the winner. The IEC subsequently pointed out that there were some errors in the collation of results, and re-issued the results, still indicating that Adama Barrow had won the election, albeit with a reduced majority. This was followed by Jammeh accepting the results on December 2, only to reverse his position a week later rejecting the election results as fraudulent and unilaterally cancelling the results.[20]
On 13 December 2016, Jammeh instituted an election petition, contesting the validity of the results. However, the Gambian Supreme Court, the only court competent to deal with this matter, could not hear it due to a lack of a quorum. Five judges are required to constitute a quorum. At the time, there was one Supreme Court Justice in the country, the former Chief Justice from Nigeria. This situation arose because in 2015 President Jammeh sacked two Gambian judges of the Court after the full bench of the Court decided in favor of certain military officers who were convicted of treason and sentenced to death, commuting their sentences to life imprisonment. Although judges from Nigeria and Sierra Leone were earmarked for appointment to the Court, they never took office.
Having failed to constitute a court of his liking, the President, with the assistance of his lawyer, argued that he has found a loophole provided for in section 34 of the Constitution in which the President may “declare that a state of emergency exists” in the whole or parts of the Gambia. When the President has declared a state of emergency, the National Assembly may adopt a resolution to prolong its own term for a period up to three months.[21] Upon the adoption of this resolution, the term of office of the President is then prolonged for the same period. In line with these provisions, Jammeh declared a state of emergency on 17 January 2017. The APRC dominated National Assembly approved a state of emergency declared by the President a day before and extended the term of the Parliament and the presidency by 90 days.
Jammeh’s refusal to step down led to an impasse. ECOWAS has on previous occasions intervened with military force in one of its member states, for example in order to save the lives of civilians and restore democracy in Liberia. Troops from neighboring Senegal with support from Nigeria entered The Gambia after Barrow was sworn in as President on January 19, 2017 in the Gambian Embassy in Senegal. This was after he was flown out of the country by ECOWAS for fear for his life.
Two days after, Jammeh finally succumbed to diplomatic pressure to hand over to Adama Barrow. Jammeh signed a last-minute deal brokered by the Presidents of Mauritania and Guinea. "No legislative measures" would be taken that would infringe the "dignity, security, safety and rights" of Jammeh or his family, ECOWAS said in a joint declaration with the African Union and United Nations.[22] It must be noted that the newly elected President never signed the agreement. The agreement essentially says there can be no prosecution against Jammeh, his family or his entourage; there will be no seizure of his assets, no witch-hunts, and he can be back to the country at any time. It might sound like a good deal for Jammeh, but it must be noted that it’s a political document, which is not legally binding on The Gambia and her people. There’s a great need to prosecute Jammeh for his alleged human rights violations.
Jammeh’s refusal to step down plunged the country in an unprecedented political stalemate. The unexpected about-turn immediately generated widespread local and international condemnation with Barrow being sworn in office, on 19 January 2017 at the Gambian Embassy in Dakar, Senegal. On 26 January 2017, The Gambia’s new president, Adama Barrow returned to the country amidst widespread celebrations.
Fombad and Inegbedion have posited that leaders remaining in office for so long results in a loss of touch with the grassroots and with them not responding to the needs and wishes of their people.[23] Thus, the absence of term limits in the Gambian Constitution greatly hinders the progress and development of democracy in the country.
Normative and institutional frameworks on women and youth in Africa
The transformation of the Organisation of African Union (OAU) to the African Union (AU) in 2002 marked a renewed commitment to the promotion of democratic institutions and good governance in Africa. In 2013 the AU adopted the Solemn Declaration which called on African states to unite and articulate common development aspirations reflective of the continent’s contextual realities.
In recognition of the role of youth in ensuring democracy, the AU adopted other normative and institutional frameworks that require member states to enhance the participation of young people in democracy, governance and decision-making. These normative frameworks include the African Youth Charter adopted in 2006,[24] and the African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the Child (1990). All these instruments engender rights, duties and freedoms that enhance the meaningful participation of young people in issues that concern their well-being, aspirations, democracy and governance.
The Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples on the Rights of Women in Africa ‘Maputo Protocol” is a product of rigorous and consistent activism on the part of several women organization and civil society groups in Africa.[25] The agitation for a women specific human rights instrument in Africa was mainly due to the failure of the principal human rights instrument in the region the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights (African Charter), to explicitly address the needs of women.[26] Although certain provisions of the African Charter such as the provision on equality and no-discrimination can be invoked indirectly to apply to women’s rights, the African Charter generally addresses individual and peoples’ rights and contains very scanty provisions to address gender inequality experienced by women in the region. Article 18 (3) of the Charter, which is the only provision specifically proscribing discrimination against women in the Charter, has been found inadequate to meeting the challenges faced by African women. Thus, women’s rights were continuing to be violated without redress.[27] Indeed, it has been argued that the African Charter protects African culture at the expense of women by, for instance, not specifically addressing issues related to harmful traditional practices against women –especially FGC. [28]
This lacuna in the African Charter led to the drafting and adoption of the Women’s Protocol in 2003. It eventually came into force on the 25 of November 2005 after 15 African States ratified the Protocol. The Protocol was greatly influenced by the provisions of the CEDAW[29] and other consensus documents such as the Vienna Programme of Action,[30] the UN Declaration on Violence against Women,[31] International Conference on Population and Development[32] and the Beijing Declaration and Programme of Action.[33] More importantly, the Protocol contains radical and ground-breaking provisions more than its forerunner, the CEDAW
Agenda 2063 which articulates Africa’s long-term development vision of a continent that aspires for an ‘Africa, whose development is people-driven, relying on the potential of African people, especially its women and youth.’ As such, women and youth are critical to the realisation of Agenda 2063 as over 60% of the continent’s population is estimated to be under the age of 35.
Based on these frameworks, the AU also devoted 2017 as the year of ‘Harnessing the Demographic Dividend through Investments in Youth.’ In pursuance of this agenda the African Union Commission (AUC) designed a roadmap that focuses on four pillars including rights, governance and empowerment.
How can young people and women shape The Gambia’s democratic future?
The role of youth and women in shaping democracy in the Gambia crystallised in the 2016 Presidential Elections when they rallied to elect a new leader that would pave the way for what would be the first democratic change of government in the history of the country since 1965. This change did not only allow the new government of The Gambia to close a dark chapter of bad governance since 1994, but also presents an opportunity for renewed commitment to the respect of human rights and democracy. In light of that change, the new government of President Adama Barrow pledged to embark on a comprehensive constitutional reform to further consolidate democracy and human rights protection in the Gambia.
The engagement and participation of women and youth in this election was unprecedented and critical. Due to their frustration over the autocratic regime of President Yaya Jammeh, they rallied behind the banners of opposition coalition to usher in democratic and constitutional change of government.
“Gambia Has Decided” was a movement which arose in opposition to President Jammeh’s decision annul the results of the December election. The group was responsible for the erection of billboards in the Greater Banjul area with the inscription “Gambia has decided” campaign slogan. Some of the groups’ members were arrested and released, while some were forced into exile to neighboring Senegal. The group has been calling for the respect of the constitution and the rule of law since President Adama Barrow’s electoral victory.
Beyond the 2016 elections, from civil society forums, government platforms and on the streets, young people in the Gambia manifest a strong commitment and ethos to ensure that the new government lives up to its commitment to democracy, good governance and respect for human rights.
Since the 2016 elections, the parliamentary elections and local government elections took place on 6 April 2017 and 14 April 2018 respectively. The National Youth Council have led the efforts through the #NotTooYoungToRun Campaign. This has led to the election of 4o youth councillors including the youngest councillor, Aziz Gaye for Box Bar Ward in Banjul.[34] The Mayoral elections will be held 0n 12 May 2018 with one woman and several youth contesting seats.
Although, the Speaker of the National Assembly is a woman, the number of women elected both into National Assembly and councillors are still below parity.[35] Women's full participation in national and local politics is fundamental to democracy and essential to the achievement of sustainable development and peace in all contexts including political transition in the case of The Gambia. If a political system neglects women's participation, if it evades accountability for women's rights, it fails half of its citizens. Indeed, true democracy is based on the realization of human rights and gender equality.
The change of government ensured by women and young people has also led to the widening of the democratic space in the Gambia where they are unhindered to hold government accountable through social accountability mechanisms. This has led to the formation of organisations and platforms that are contributing in the policy processes to proactively advance good governance, human rights and democracy.
Law Hub Gambia[36] is an online legal resource platform for The Gambia. Bearing in mind the challenges that students, researchers and institutions face in accessing relevant and accurate legal resources in The Gambia and beyond, Law Hub Gambia aims at enhancing quality legal research on The Gambia. Law Hub Gambia provides free access to Gambian laws on the website for researchers, legal practitioners, students, human rights defenders, policy makers and citizens. It is a repository of consolidated resources on Gambian legal system including case law, statutes, and commentaries on legal, legislative and policy developments in The Gambia. Ultimately, Law Hub Gambia aims to contribute to the promotion of rule of law, human rights, constitutionalism and good governance.
A-Plus Gambia is an example of a youth organisation that is making efforts to hold the government accountable through public expenditure reviews and monitoring of budget. Thus, through budget monitoring youth groups are able to assess the gaps that exist between policies and government actions to ensure the progressive realisation of socio-economic rights particularly local government service delivery. The significance of such activities by youth groups is not only important in shaping democracy but also engender discussions around alternative policy choices for the realisation of human rights.
Think Young Women, a leading non-profit organisation in The Gambia is the forefront in ensuring the that women and girls play a role in the transitional justice process in The Gambia. They are currently conducting nationwide consultation with women and girls on inclusive transitional justice. This is in recognition that rule of law often means ruling women out. Actions and policies should focus on increasing women's access to justice and fostering a responsive justice system that advances women's equal rights, opportunity and participation.[37]
“Occupy Westfield” is a youth led movement against Gambia’s energy company—the National Water and Electricity Company (NAWEC). Their permit for a protest against the power and water outages slated for 5 November 2017 was denied due to security concerns regarding the event. This is because of the continuous presence of Jammeh’s repressive laws: The Public Order Act,[38] it has also led to the same repressive response by the Barrow government.[39] On 10 June 2017, sports journalist Baboucarr Sey was detained and denied bail for holding a protest and press conference over a disputed soccer field claimed by real estate company, Global Properties. His detention was premised on the allegations that he failed to obtain a permit to hold the protest march and subsequent press conference.[40]
Furthermore, youth are also involved in peace building efforts in the Gambia. On 9 and 11 May 2017, Gambian youth in partnership with young leaders from 22 African countries organised and hosted a conference under the theme ‘Youth, Peace building and Regional Solidarity: Lessons from Africa’. The conference was jointly funded by the government of The Gambia, UNESCO, and the African Council for the Development of Social Science Research. This conference provided an opportunity for stakeholders to reflect on the challenges and opportunities for youth in transitional systems. More importantly the young participants highlighted the need for intergenerational interaction and dialogue in sustaining peace and ensuring the durability of democracy. The conference also provoked discussions on gender equality, peace consolidation and youth participation in governance.
As The Gambia transitions to a democratic dispensation, government has started the process of constitution building and transitional justice which women and you are to be part of. These include:
The Constitutional Review Commission Act
On 11 December 2017, eleven months after the new government took office, the Minister of Justice, Tambadou finally presented the Constitutional Review Commission Bill before the National Assembly. The passing of the Constitutional Review Commission (CRC) Act, 2017[41] for the establishment of a commission to draft and guide the process of promulgating a new constitution for The Gambia is a great step in addressing the deficiencies of the 1997 Constitution. The 1997 Constitution lacks legitimacy with Gambians as it is seen as an artefact of the Jammeh government. Nevertheless, the members of the Commission are yet to be appointed.
The Truth, Reconciliation and Reparations Commission (TRRC) Act
As a direct result of 22 years of authoritarian rule, human rights violations were widespread. In most cases, there was no effective investigation and perpetrators have not been brought to justice. On 13 December 2017, the Truth, Reconciliation and Reparations Commission (TRC) Act was adopted by the National Assembly and assented to by the President on 13 January 2018.[42]
The TRRC Act provides for the establishment of the historical record of the nature, causes and extent of violations and abuses of human rights committed during the period July 1994 to January 2017 and to consider the granting of reparation of victims. The Commission will comprise of eleven members who are yet to be appointed. The appointment will be made in consultation civil society regional governors, civil organisations including the Female Lawyers Association-Gambia (FLAG) and the National Youth Council (NYC).[43]
National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) Act
On 13 December 2017, the National Assembly passed the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) Act.[44] The President assented to it on 13 January 2018. The NHRC Act establishes a Commission for the promotion and protection of human rights in The Gambia. The NHRC is authorized to investigate and consider complaints of human rights violations in The Gambia, including violations by private persons and entities.
The Commission shall comprised five people, including at least two women.[45] These five commissioners, all of whom are appointed by the President on the recommendation of the selection panel made of representative from the Association of Non-Governmental Organisation (TANGO), the Gambia Bar Association (GBA), the Gambia Federation of the Disabled, the National Youth Council (NYC), the Female Lawyers' Association of The Gambia (FLAG), the Gambia Press Union (GPU) and a government representative (who is not entitled to vote).[46]
Prognosis for the future
The country currently carries a plethora of laws and practices from the former regime that severely limits and violates human rights and human dignity. This manifests how Jammeh was able to exercise and maintain his authoritarian power through coercion, electoral manipulation, patronage distribution, control of media, and repression. Acknowledging that the Barrow government inherited a broken system and a backward governance culture, there are very high hopes of change. Gambians want the government to accomplish a lot within a short span of time having endured indignity and brutality for nearly a quarter of a century. Gambians desire a government with effective leadership, highly consultative and cooperative, inclusive and participatory and which upholds the principles of probity, accountability, transparency and participation.
Youth and women can play a leading role in ensuring that government carries out its obligations to transform the Gambia into a modern democratic state thriving on human rights and good governance.
Africa and The Gambia specifically, has women and youth who have huge potentials. They are already playing a critical role in the need to protect their countries’ democracy as the case is in Togo. It is critical to give youth and women a place at the table. Key strategies should include:
- Adopt and implement quota to promote women and youth political participation and representation for all levels of governance;
- Political parties ensuring that they promote equal representation and participation of women and youth in their governing bodies;
- Empowering women and youth for democratic participation, active citizenship and social cohesion
- Governance processes should adopt the use of digital platforms such as Facebook, Twitter, Snap Chat, etc.
Indeed, The Gambia can provide a blueprint for democratic movements in Africa through its transition from dictatorship to democracy. It is critical to ensure the full participation of women and youth and their integration in transitional structures and the reforms undertaken.
[1] See, Kate Byom, African Authoritarianism 2.0, August 1, 2014, https://freedomhouse.org/blog/african-authoritarianism-20.
[2] National Research Council, Democratization in Africa: African Views, African Voices (1992) 12.
[3] See S.I Linberg, Democracy and elections in Africa (2006); S Adejumobi, Democratic renewal in Africa: Trends and Discourses (2015).
[4] Freedom House, Freedom in the World 2017, https://freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-world/2017/gambia.
[5] Freedom House, Freedom in the World Populists and Autocrats: The Duals Threat to Global Democracy (2017), p. 21.
[6]Mo Ibrahim Foundation, 2017 Forum Report: Africa at a Tipping Point (2017), http://s.mo.ibrahim.foundation/u/2017/09/14103424/2017-Forum-Report.pdf. p.4.
[7] As above.
[8]Human Rights Watch ‘Gambia: Investigate Death in Custody, Free Protesters’ (18 April 2016) https://www.hrw.org/news/2016/04/18/gambia-investigate-death-custody-free-protesters (accessed 10 March 2017).
[9] BBC ‘Gambian activist 'died in detention' - Amnesty International (16 April 2016) http://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-36064276 (accessed 26 April 2018).
[10]UN ‘Gambia: Ban calls for release of detained protesters after death of opposition members’ (17 April 2016) http://www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=53702&utm_source=twitterfeed&utm_medium=twitter#.VxQ1BKQrLIX (accessed 26 April 2018).
[11] B Sillah ‘Darboe & Co jailed’ Standard Newspaper 21 July 2016 http://standard.gm/site/2016/07/21/darboe-co-jailed/ (accessed 22 April 2018).
[12] BBC ‘Gambia opposition leader Ousainou Darboe freed on bail’ 5 December 2016
http://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-38210873 (accessed 15 March 2017).
[13] Adam Przeworksi et al (eds) Democracy and development: Political institutions and well being in the world 1950-1990 (2000) p.27.
[14] Andreas Schedler (ed) Electoral authoritarianism: The dynamics of unfree competition (2006) p.3.
[15] As above.
[16] As above, p. 382.
[17] As above, p. 3.
[18] Id.
[19] Independent Electoral Commission: www.iec.gm.
[20] This violated the law which gives only the supreme court the power to nullify an election.
[21] Sec. 99(2).
[22] See, Joint Declaration by the Economic Community of West African States, the African Union and the United Nations on the Political Situation of the Islamic Republic of The Gambia.
[23] C. Fombad and N.A. Inegbedion, ‘Presidential term limits and their impact on constitutionalism in Africa’ in C. Fombad and C. Murra, Fostering Constitutionalism in Africa 15.
[24] Under the Charter, a youth is defined as a person between the ages of15 and 35 years.
[25] F Banda ‘Blazing the trail: The African: Protocol on Women’s Rights’ (2006) 50 Journal of African Law 72-92; see also, DM Chirwa ‘Reclaiming (wo)manity: The merits and demerits of the African Protocol on Women’s Rights’ (2006) 53 Netherlands International Law Review 63-93.
[26] African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights.
[27] Banda note 54 above
[28] R Murray ‘A feminist perspective on reform of the African human rights system’ (2001) 2 African Human Rights Law Journal 205-224; M Ssenyenjo ‘Culture and human rights of women in Africa: Between light and shadow’ (2007) 51 Journal of African Law 39-67;
[29] Convention on Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women GA Res. 54/180 UN GAOR 34th Session Supp No 46 UN Doc A/34/46 (1980).
[30] Vienna Programme of Action UN Doc A/CONF 157/24 Part 1 ch III.
[31] Declaration on the Elimination of Violence against Women G.A. res. 48/104, 48 U.N. GAOR Supp. (No.49) at 217, U.N.Doc. A/48/49 (1993).
[32] Programme of Action of the International Conference on Population and Development UN Doc.A/CONF 171/13 (1994).
[33] Beijing Declaration and the Platform for Action, Fourth World Conference on Women, China, September 4-15 1995, UN. Doc. A/CONF.177/20( 1995).
[34] The National Youth Council is currently conducting capacity building for workshop for 40 elected youth ward councilors from 25-26 April 2018.
[35] There are currently 6 women making up 10.34% of the National Assembly which is made up of 58 members.
[37] www.thinkyoungwomen.org. Check out the programme under the hashtag: #TJ4Women220.
[38] The 1961 Act came into force on 31 October 1961. It has since been amended by the Amendments Act, 2009 and 2010.
[39] For instance, on 2 June 2017, a protest demanding for the removal of heavy security presence in Foni took place in Kanilai, the birthplace of the former President Jammeh which turned deadly. The clash between the protesters and the ECOWAS Intervention force in The Gambia (ECOMIG) soldiers led to the death of one of the protesters. L Sanyang ‘22 Arrested, 2 Injured & 1 Dead In Kanilai Incident” The FatuNetwork 3 June 2017 http://fatunetwork.net/22-arrested-2-injured-1-dead-kanilai-incident/ (accessed 5 June 2017).
[40]S Phatey ‘Gambia arrest, denies local sports journalist bail’ SMBC News 9 June 2017 https://gambia.smbcgo.com/2017/06/10/gambia-arrest-denies-local-sports-journalist-bail/ (accessed 10 June 2017).
[41] This was assented to on 11 January 2018 by President Barrow. See Constitutional Review Commission Act, 2017 https://www.lawhubgambia.com/constitutional-review-commission-act.
[42] See Truth, Reconciliation & Reparations Commission Act, 2017 https://www.lawhubgambia.com/truth-reconciliation-reparations-commission.
[43] See sec 5 of the TRRC Act. NYC did an application process then interviews and consequently selected 3 young people for nominations to the Commission.
[44] See National Human Rights Commission Act, 2017 https://www.lawhubgambia.com/national-human-rights-act.
[45] Sec. 5(2) of the Act.
[46] See schedule (section 5(1)) of the Act.